Transnational giving between Shikoku, Japan and Burma/ Myanmar: From memorializing One’s dead to humanitarianism with peace and war reflections
Transnational giving between Shikoku, Japan and Burma/ Myanmar: From memorializing One’s dead to humanitarianism with peace and war reflections
Ethnography, Ahead of Print.
Bagan, Myanmar (formerly Burma) is famous for its over 2200 Buddhist temples. People contribute to these temples as charitable work, to fulfill social or sacred obligations, or show they are “good Buddhists”. In World War II Japan’s military government sent Shikoku youth to South East Asia, including Burma, where over 6000 died. Following WWII, Shikoku groups sent funds to Burma to memorialize their dead. Thus began over 70 years of transnational giving involving construction and maintenance of temples, generalized support, and bringing medical advances to Burma/Myanmar. This article explores Shikoku-Myanmar transnational giving, and how it reverberates with peace and war issues. It raises a counter narrative to the Japanese state’s assertion that Yasukuni Shrine is necessary to memorialize war dead, makes links with Japanese citizens’ movements upholding Japan’s pacifist constitution and Article 9 (renouncing militarism), and adds to gift-giving frameworks, showing how, once established gift-giving can create obligations including those not directly about reciprocation.
Bagan, Myanmar (formerly Burma) is famous for its over 2200 Buddhist temples. People contribute to these temples as charitable work, to fulfill social or sacred obligations, or show they are “good Buddhists”. In World War II Japan’s military government sent Shikoku youth to South East Asia, including Burma, where over 6000 died. Following WWII, Shikoku groups sent funds to Burma to memorialize their dead. Thus began over 70 years of transnational giving involving construction and maintenance of temples, generalized support, and bringing medical advances to Burma/Myanmar. This article explores Shikoku-Myanmar transnational giving, and how it reverberates with peace and war issues. It raises a counter narrative to the Japanese state’s assertion that Yasukuni Shrine is necessary to memorialize war dead, makes links with Japanese citizens’ movements upholding Japan’s pacifist constitution and Article 9 (renouncing militarism), and adds to gift-giving frameworks, showing how, once established gift-giving can create obligations including those not directly about reciprocation.